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An Individual Can Receive Benefits From Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (Tanf) for

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U.S. federal aid program

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Program overview
Preceding Program
  • Aid to Families with Dependent Children
Jurisdiction Federal regime of the United states
Almanac budget $17.35 billion (FY2014)[1]
Website TANF

Temporary Help for Needy Families (TANF ) is a federal assistance program of the United States. It began on July 1, 1997, and succeeded the Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) program, providing cash help to indigent American families through the United States Department of Wellness and Human Services.[ii] TANF is frequently simply referred to as welfare.

The TANF program, emphasizing the welfare-to-work principle, is a grant given to each country to run its own welfare program and designed to be temporary in nature and has several limits and requirements. The TANF grant has a maximum benefit of ii sequent years and a five-yr lifetime limit and requires that all recipients of welfare aid must detect work within 2 years of receiving aid, including single parents who are required to work at to the lowest degree 30 hours per week opposed to 35 or 55 required past ii parent families. Failure to comply with work requirements could result in loss of benefits. TANF funds may exist used for the following reasons: to provide assistance to needy families so that children can be cared for at home; to end the dependence of needy parents on regime benefits by promoting task grooming, work and marriage; to forestall and reduce the incidence of out-of-wedlock pregnancies; and to encourage the formation and maintenance of two-parent families.

Background [edit]

Prior to TANF, Aid to Families with Dependent Children was a major federal aid program that was coming under heavy criticism. Some argued that such programs were ineffective, promoted dependency on the regime, and encouraged behaviors detrimental to escaping from poverty.[3] Some people also argued that TANF is detrimental to its recipients because using these programs have a stigma fastened to them, which makes the people that utilise them less probable to participate politically to defend this program, and thus the programs have been afterwards weakened. Starting time with President Ronald Reagan's administration and continuing through the first few years of the Clinton administration, growing dissatisfaction with AFDC, particularly the rise in welfare caseloads, led an increasing number of states to seek waivers from AFDC rules to allow states to more than stringently enforce piece of work requirements for welfare recipients. The 27 percent increase in caseloads between 1990 and 1994 accelerated the push button by states to implement more radical welfare reform.[four]

States that were granted waivers from AFDC plan rules to run mandatory welfare-to-work programs were also required to rigorously evaluate the success of their programs. As a result, many types of mandatory welfare-to-piece of work programs were evaluated in the early on 1990s. While reviews of such programs found that nearly all programs led to pregnant increases in employment and reductions in welfare rolls, at that place was little bear witness that income among former welfare recipients had increased. In effect, increases in earnings from jobs were starting time by losses in public income, leading many to conclude that these programs had no anti-poverty effects.[v] However, the findings that welfare-to-work programs did have some upshot in reducing dependence on government increased support among policymakers for moving welfare recipients into employment.[vi]

While liberals and conservatives agreed on the importance of transitioning families from government help to jobs, they disagreed on how to accomplish this goal. Liberals idea that welfare reform should expand opportunities for welfare mothers to receive training and work feel that would assist them heighten their families' living standards by working more and at higher wages.[6] Conservatives emphasized work requirements and time limits, paying lilliputian attention to whether or not families' incomes increased. More specifically, conservatives wanted to impose a five-twelvemonth lifetime limit on welfare benefits and provide cake grants for states to fund programs for poor families.[7] Conservatives argued that welfare to work reform would be beneficial by creating role models out of mothers, promoting maternal self-esteem and sense of control, and introducing productive daily routines into family unit life. Furthermore, they argued that reforms would eliminate welfare dependence by sending a powerful message to teens and young women to postpone childbearing. Liberals responded that the reform sought by conservatives would overwhelm severely stressed parents, deepen the poverty of many families, and force immature children into dangerous and unstimulating child care situations. In addition, they asserted that welfare reform would reduce parents' power to monitor the behaviors of their children, leading to issues in child and adolescent operation.[8]

In 1992, as a presidential candidate, Bill Clinton pledged to "terminate welfare every bit we know it" by requiring families receiving welfare to work afterward two years. As president, Clinton was attracted to welfare expert and Harvard University Professor David Ellwood'due south proposal on welfare reform and thus Clinton eventually appointed Ellwood to co-chair his welfare task force. Ellwood supported converting welfare into a transitional system. He advocated providing assistance to families for a limited fourth dimension, subsequently which recipients would be required to earn wages from a regular job or a piece of work opportunity program.[6] Low wages would exist supplemented past expanded taxation credits, access to subsidized childcare and health insurance, and guaranteed child support.

In 1994, Clinton introduced a welfare reform proposal that would provide job preparation coupled with time limits and subsidized jobs for those having difficulty finding work, simply it was defeated.[7] Later that year, when Republicans attained a Congressional majority in Nov 1994, the focus shifted toward the Republican proposal to end entitlements to aid, repeal AFDC and instead provide states with blocks grants.[9] The debates in Congress about welfare reform centered around 5 themes:[9]

  • Reforming Welfare to Promote Work and Time Limits: The welfare reform discussions were dominated by the perception that the and so-existing cash assistance plan, AFDC, did not do enough to encourage and require employment, and instead incentivized non-work. Supporters of welfare reform also argued that AFDC fostered divorce and out-of-matrimony birth, and created a culture of dependency on government assist. Both President Clinton and Congressional Republicans emphasized the demand to transform the cash assistance arrangement into a piece of work-focused, time-limited programme.
  • Reducing Projected Spending: Republicans argued that projected federal spending for low-income families was as well loftier and needed to exist reduced to lower overall federal spending.

  • Promoting Parental Responsibleness: There was wide agreement amid politicians that both parents should support their children. For custodial parents, this meant an emphasis on work and cooperation with kid back up enforcement. For non-custodial parents, it meant a set up of initiatives to strengthen the effectiveness of the child back up enforcement.
  • Addressing Out-of-Matrimony Birth: Republicans argued that out of union birth was presenting an increasingly serious social trouble and that the federal regime should piece of work to reduce out-of-wedlock births.
  • Promoting Devolution: A common theme in the debates was that the federal regime had failed and that states were more than successful in providing for the needy, and thus reform needed to provide more than ability and authority to states to shape such policy.

Clinton twice vetoed the welfare reform bill put forward by Newt Gingrich and Bob Dole. Then simply before the Democratic Convention he signed a third version subsequently the Senate voted 74–24[10] and the House voted 256–170[11] in favor of welfare reform legislation, formally known as the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Deed of 1996 (PRWORA). Clinton signed the beak into police force on August 22, 1996. PRWORA replaced AFDC with TANF and dramatically changed the style the federal regime and states determine eligibility and provide aid for needy families.

Before 1997, the federal government designed the overall plan requirements and guidelines, while states administered the plan and determined eligibility for benefits. Since 1997, states have been given block grants and both design and administrate their own programs. Access to welfare and corporeality of assist varied quite a bit by state and locality nether AFDC, both because of the differences in state standards of need and considerable subjectivity in caseworker evaluation of qualifying "suitable homes".[12] However, welfare recipients under TANF are actually in completely different programs depending on their state of residence, with different social services bachelor to them and different requirements for maintaining aid.[13]

State implementations [edit]

States accept large amounts of latitude in how they implement TANF programs.[14] [xv] [16] [17]

  • Alabama: The Family Assistance Program
  • Alaska: The Alaska Temporary Assistance Program
  • Arizona: Cash Assistance
  • Arkansas: Arkansas TANF
  • California: CalWORKs
  • Colorado: Colorado Works Programme
  • Connecticut: Connecticut TANF
  • Delaware: Delaware TANF
  • Florida: Temporary Cash Assistance
  • Georgia: Georgia TANF
  • Hawaii: Hawaii TANF
  • Idaho: Temporary Assistance for Families in Idaho
  • Illinois: Illinois TANF
  • Indiana: Indiana TANF
  • Iowa: Family Investment Programme
  • Kansas: Successful Families Program
  • Kentucky: Kentucky Transitional Aid Programme
  • Louisiana: Family Independence Temporary Aid
  • Maine: Maine TANF
  • Maryland: Temporary Cash Assist
  • Massachusetts: Massachusetts TANF
  • Michigan:Greenbacks Help
  • Minnesota: Minnesota TANF
  • Mississippi: Mississippi TANF
  • Missouri: Temporary Aid
  • Montana: Montana TANF
  • Nebraska: Aid to Dependent Children
  • Nevada: Nevada TANF
  • New Hampshire: The Financial Assistance to Needy Families Program
  • New Jersey: WorkFirstNJ
  • New Mexico: NMWorks
  • New York: Temporary Assistance
  • North Carolina: Work Kickoff Cash Assistance
  • Due north Dakota: North Dakota TANF
  • Ohio: Ohio Work Beginning
  • Oklahoma: Oklahoma TANF
  • Oregon: Oregon TANF
  • Pennsylvania: Pennsylvania TANF
  • Rhode Island: RI Works
  • South Carolina: TANF/Formerly Family Independence
  • South Dakota: Southward Dakota TANF
  • Tennessee: Families Commencement
  • Texas: Texas TANF
  • Utah: Utah TANF
  • Vermont: Vermont TANF Programs
  • Virginia: Virginia TANF
  • Washington: Washington TANF
  • West Virginia: Family Aid
  • Wisconsin: Wisconsin Works
  • Wyoming: Power Works

Funding and eligibility [edit]

Evolution of monthly AFDC and TANF benefits in the U.s.a. (in 2006 dollars)[18]

PRWORA replaced AFDC with TANF and concluded entitlement to cash assistance for low-income families, meaning that some families may exist denied assist fifty-fifty if they are eligible. Nether TANF, states have broad discretion to make up one's mind who is eligible for benefits and services. In general, states must use funds to serve families with children, with the just exceptions related to efforts to reduce non-marital childbearing and promote wedlock. States cannot use TANF funds to assist most legal immigrants until they have been in the state for at to the lowest degree five years. TANF sets forth the following work requirements in lodge to qualify for benefits:[19]

  1. Recipients (with few exceptions) must piece of work as shortly as they are job ready or no later on than two years after coming on assistance.
  2. Single parents are required to participate in work activities for at least thirty hours per week. Two-parent families must participate in work activities 35 or 55 hours a calendar week, depending upon circumstance.
  3. Failure to participate in work requirements can outcome in a reduction or termination of benefits to the family.
  4. States, in fiscal yr 2004, take to ensure that fifty per centum of all families and xc percent of 2-parent families are participating in work activities. If a state meets these goals without restricting eligibility, it can receive a caseload reduction credit. This credit reduces the minimum participation rates the state must achieve to continue receiving federal funding.

While states are given more flexibility in the design and implementation of public assistance, they must do so inside various provisions of the law:[xx]

  1. Provide assistance to needy families then that children may exist cared for in their own homes or in the homes of relatives;
  2. end the dependence of needy parents on authorities benefits past promoting task grooming, work, and wedlock;
  3. prevent and reduce the incidence of out-of-spousal relationship pregnancies and establish annual numerical goals for preventing and reducing the incidence of these pregnancies;
  4. and encourage the germination and maintenance of two-parent families.

TANF Program Spending[nineteen]

Since these four goals are deeply general, "states tin apply TANF funds much more broadly than the core welfare reform areas of providing a safe net and connecting families to work; some states utilise a substantial share of funding for these other services and program".[21]

Funding for TANF underwent several changes from its predecessor, AFDC. Nether AFDC, states provided greenbacks assist to families with children, and the federal regime paid half or more of all program costs.[nine] Federal spending was provided to states on an open up-ended footing, significant that funding was tied to the number of caseloads. Federal constabulary mandated that states provide some level of cash assistance to eligible poor families but states had broad discretion in setting the benefit levels. Nether TANF, states authorize for cake grants. The funding for these block grants have been fixed since fiscal year 2002 and the amount each state receives is based on the level of federal contributions to the country for the AFDC program in 1994, with no adjustments for aggrandizement, size of caseload, or other factors.[22] [23] : 4 This has led to a cracking disparity in the grant size per kid living in poverty among u.s., ranging from a low of $318 per child in poverty in Texas to a loftier of $three,220 per kid in poverty in Vermont, with the median per child grant size existence $1,064 in Wyoming.[23] : Figure 1 The states are required to maintain their spending for welfare programs at 80 percent of their 1994 spending levels, with a reduction to 75 percent if states meet other piece of work-participation requirements. States have greater flexibility in deciding how they spend funds every bit long as they see the provisions of TANF described higher up.

Currently, states spend simply slightly more than 1-quarter of their combined federal TANF funds and the land funds they must spend to meet TANF's "maintenance of endeavour" (MOE) requirement on bones assistance to run across the essential needs of families with children, and just another quarter on child care for depression-income families and on activities to connect TANF families to work. They spend the residual of the funding on other types of services, including programs not aimed at improving employment opportunities for poor families. TANF does not require states to report on whom they serve with the federal or state funds they shift from cash assistance to other uses.[24]

In July 2012, the Department of Health and Man Services released a memo notifying states that they are able to apply for a waiver for the piece of work requirements of the TANF plan. Critics claim the waiver would allow states to provide help without having to enforce the work component of the program.[25] The administration has stipulated that whatever waivers that weaken the piece of work requirement will be rejected.[26] The DHHS granted the waivers after several Governors requested more country control.[27] The DHHS agreed to the waivers on the stipulation that they continue to see all Federal requirements.[28] States were given the right to submit their own plans and reporting methods simply if they continued to meet Federal requirements and if the country programs proved to be more constructive.

Impact [edit]

Example load [edit]

Betwixt 1996 and 2000, the number of welfare recipients plunged by 6.5 1000000, or 53% nationally. The number of caseloads was lower in 2000 than at any time since 1969, and the percentages of persons receiving public aid income (less than three%) was the lowest on record.[29] Since the implementation of TANF occurred during a flow of strong economic growth, there are questions about how much of the pass up in caseloads is attributable to TANF programme requirements. Get-go, the number of caseloads began declining after 1994, the yr with the highest number of caseloads, well before the enactment of TANF, suggesting that TANF was not solely responsible for the caseload decline.[iv] Research suggests that both changes in welfare policy and economic growth played a substantial function in this decline, and that no larger than one-3rd of the decline in caseloads is attributable to TANF.[29] [30] [ needs update ]

Work, earnings, and poverty [edit]

One of the major goals of TANF was to increase work amid welfare recipients. During the post-welfare reform menses, employment did increase among unmarried mothers. Single mothers with children showed picayune changes in their labor force participation rates throughout the 1980s and into the mid-1990s, but between 1994–1999, their labor forcefulness participation rose by 10%.[4] Among welfare recipients, the percent that reported earnings from employment increased from half-dozen.7% in 1990 to 28.1% by 1999.[4] While employment of TANF recipients increased in the early on years of reform, it declined in the later period subsequently reform, peculiarly subsequently 2000. From 2000–2005, employment among TANF recipients declined by vi.5%.[31] Amongst welfare leavers, it was estimated that close to two-thirds worked at a future bespeak in time[32] [33] About 20 percent of welfare leavers are non working, without a spouse, and without any public assistance.[31] Those who left welfare considering of sanctions (fourth dimension limits or failure to meet plan requirements) fared comparably worse than those who left welfare voluntarily. Sanctioned welfare recipients have employment rates that are, on average, 20 percentage below those who left for reasons other than sanctions.[34]

While the participation of many depression-income single parents in the labor market has increased, their earnings and wages remained low, and their employment was full-bodied in depression-wage occupations and industries. 78 percent of employed low-income single parents were concentrated in 4 typically low-wage occupations: service; administrative support and clerical; operators, fabricators, and laborers; and sales and related jobs.[35] While the average income amongst TANF recipients increased over the early on years of reform, information technology has become stagnant in the later period; for welfare leavers, their boilerplate income remained steady or declined in the later years.[31] Studies that compared household income (includes welfare benefits) before and later leaving welfare discover that between one-third and one-half of welfare leavers had decreased income after leaving welfare.[30] [36]

During the 1990s, poverty among single-mother and their families declined quickly from 35.four% in 1992 to 24.7% in 2000, a new celebrated low.[4] Even so, due to the fact that low-income mothers who left welfare are likely to be concentrated in low-wage occupations, the pass up in public assistance caseloads has not translated easily into reduction in poverty. The number of poor female person-headed families with children dropped from 3.8 million to 3.ane 1000000 betwixt 1994 and 1999, a 22% decline compared to a 48% refuse in caseloads.[29] As a result, the share of working poor in the U.Due south. population rose, every bit some women left public aid for employment but remained poor.[4] About studies have found that poverty is quite high amid welfare leavers. Depending on the source of the data, estimates of poverty among leavers vary from about 48% to 74%.[32] [37]

TANF requirements have led to massive drops in the number of people receiving cash benefits since 1996,[38] but there has been little modify in the national poverty rate during this fourth dimension.[39] The table below shows these figures along with the annual unemployment rate.[40] [41] [42]

Average monthly TANF recipients, percent of U.Southward. families in poverty and unemployment rate
Year Boilerplate monthly TANF recipients Poverty rate (%) Annual unemployment rate (%)
1996 12,320,970 (see note) eleven.0 5.4
1997 10,375,993 10.3 iv.ix
1998 eight,347,136 x.0 4.5
1999 6,824,347 9.3 4.2
2000 5,778,034 8.seven 4.0
2001 5,359,180 ix.two 4.7
2002 5,069,010 nine.6 v.viii
2003 4,928,878 x.0 6.0
2004 4,748,115 ten.2 5.5
2005 4,471,393 9.nine 5.one
2006 4,166,659 9.viii 4.6
2007 3,895,407 nine.viii 4.v
2008 iii,795,007 10.iii 5.4
2009 4,154,366 11.1 8.1
2010 4,375,022 11.vii 8.half dozen

Note: 1996 was the final year for the AFDC programme, and is shown for comparison. All figures are for calendar years. The poverty rate for families differs from the official poverty rate.

Marriage and fertility [edit]

A major impetus for welfare reform was business about increases in out-of-union births and failing union rates, peculiarly amid low-income women. The major goals of the 1996 legislation included reducing out-of-union births and increasing rates and stability of marriages.[4]

Studies have produced only modest or inconsistent evidence that marital and cohabitation decisions are influenced by welfare programme policies. Schoeni and Blank (2003) found that pre-1996 welfare waivers were associated with minor increases in probabilities of marriage.[43] However, a like analysis of post-TANF consequence revealed less consequent results. Nationally, but 0.4% of airtight cases gave matrimony as the reason for leaving welfare.[29] Using information on marriage and divorces from 1989–2000 to examine the part of welfare reform on marriage and divorce, Bitler (2004) found that both state waivers and TANF program requirements were associated with reductions in transitions into marriage and reductions from spousal relationship to divorce.[44] In other words, individuals who were not married were more likely to stay unmarried, and those who were married were more likely to stay married. Her caption behind this, which is consistent with other studies, is that after reform single women were required to work more, increasing their income and reducing their incentive to requite upwards independence for marriage, whereas for married women, post-reform at that place was potentially a pregnant increase in the number of hours they would have to work when single, discouraging divorce.[45] [46]

In addition to marriage and divorce, welfare reform was besides concerned about unwed childbearing. Specific provisions in TANF were aimed at reducing unwed childbearing. For example, TANF provided greenbacks bonuses to states with the largest reductions in unwed childbearing that are non accompanied by more abortions. States were too required to eliminate cash benefits to unwed teens under age 18 who did non reside with their parents. TANF allowed states to impose family unit caps on the receipt of additional cash benefits from unwed childbearing. Between 1994 and 1999, unwed childbearing amid teenagers declined twenty percent amongst 15- to 17-twelvemonth-olds and ten pct among 18- and 19-year-olds.[29] In a comprehensive cantankerous-state comparison, Horvath-Rose & Peters (2002) studied nonmarital nascency ratios with and without family cap waivers over the 1986–1996 period, and they establish that family caps reduced nonmarital ratios.[47] Any fears that family caps would lead to more abortions was allayed by declining numbers and rates of abortion during this flow.[48]

Child well-being [edit]

Proponents of welfare reform argued that encouraging maternal employment volition enhance children'south cerebral and emotional development. A working female parent, proponents affirm, provides a positive part model for her children. Opponents, on the other hand, argued that requiring women to work at low pay puts additional stress on mothers, reduces the quality time spent with children, and diverts income to work-related expenses such as transportation and childcare.[29] Evidence is mixed on the impact of TANF on child welfare. Duncan & Chase-Lansdale (2001) plant that the bear upon of welfare reform varied by age of the children, with generally positive furnishings on school achievement among elementary-school age children and negative furnishings on adolescents, peculiarly with regards to risky or problematic behaviors.[49] Another study constitute large and pregnant effects of welfare reform on educational accomplishment and aspirations, and on social behavior (i.e. instructor assessment of compliance and self-control, competence and sensitivity). The positive furnishings were largely due to the quality of childcare arrangement and afterschool programs that accompanied the motility from welfare to piece of work for these recipients.[l] Yet some other study found that substitution from maternal care to other informal care had caused a significant drib in operation of young children.[51] In a program with less generous benefits, Kalili et al. (2002) establish that maternal work (measured in months and hours per calendar week) had niggling overall effect on children's antisocial behavior, broken-hearted/depressed behavior or positive behavior. They observe no evidence that children were harmed past such transitions; if anything, their mothers report that their children are ameliorate behaved and have better mental wellness.[52]

Synthesizing findings from an extensive selection of publications, Golden (2005) reached the decision that children's outcomes were largely unchanged when examining children's developmental risk, including health status, behavior or emotional problems, suspensions from school, and lack of participation in extracurricular activities.[53] She argues that contrary to the fears of many, welfare reform and an increment in parental piece of work did non seem to take reduced children's well-being overall. More abused and neglected children had not entered the child welfare system. Nevertheless, at the same time, improvement in parental earnings and reductions in child poverty had not consistently improved outcomes for children.

Maternal well-being [edit]

While the material and economic well-being of welfare mothers after the enactment of TANF has been the subject of countless studies, their mental and physical well-existence has received little attention. Research on the latter has found that welfare recipients confront mental and physical bug at rates that are higher than the full general population.[54] Such issues which include depression, anxiety disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder, and domestic violence hateful that welfare recipients face many more barriers to employment and are more at risk of welfare sanctions due to noncompliance with work requirements and other TANF regulations[29] Research on the health status of welfare leavers accept indicated positive results. Findings from the Women'southward Employment Study, a longitudinal survey of welfare recipients in Michigan, indicated that women on welfare simply not working are more likely to have mental health and other problems than are former welfare recipients at present working.[54] [55] Similarly, interviews with now employed welfare recipients find that partly as a result of their increased material resources from working, the women felt that work has led to higher self-esteem, new opportunities to aggrandize their social back up networks, and increased feelings of self-efficacy.[56] Furthermore, they became less socially isolated and potentially less prone to depression. At the aforementioned time, yet, many women were experiencing stress and exhaustion from trying to residual work and family responsibilities.

Paternal well-being [edit]

For single fathers within the plan, there is a small percentage increase of employment in comparison to unmarried mothers, merely in that location is a significant increase of increased wages throughout their fourth dimension in the programme.[57] As of June 2020, the number of one-parent families participating in TANF is 432,644.[58]

[edit]

Enacted in July 1997, TANF was set for reauthorization in Congress in 2002. However, Congress was unable to reach an understanding for the next several years, and every bit a result, several extensions were granted to continue funding the program. TANF was finally reauthorized under the Deficit Reduction Deed (DRA) of 2005. DRA included several changes to the original TANF program. It raised piece of work participation rates, increased the share of welfare recipients discipline to piece of work requirements, limited the activities that could be counted equally work, prescribed hours that could be spent doing certain piece of work activities, and required states to verify activities for each developed beneficiary.[59]

In February 2009, as role of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Deed of 2009 (ARRA), Congress created a new TANF Emergency Fund (TANF EF), funded at $five billion and available to states, territories, and tribes for federal fiscal years 2009 and 2010. The original TANF law provided for a Contingency Fund (CF) funded at $2 billion which allows states meeting economic triggers to draw boosted funds based upon high levels of land MOE spending. This fund was expected to (and did) run out in FY 2010. The TANF Emergency Fund provided states 80 percent of the funding for spending increases in iii categories of TANF-related expenditures in FYs 2009 or 2010 over FYs 2007 or 2008. The 3 categories of expenditures that could exist claimed were bones assistance, non-recurrent brusque-term benefits, and subsidized employment.[60] The tertiary category listed, subsidized employment, fabricated national headlines[61] as states created nearly 250,000 developed and youth jobs through the funding.[62] The plan however expired on September 30, 2010, on schedule with states cartoon down the unabridged $5 billion allocated by ARRA.[63]

TANF was scheduled for reauthorization once more in 2010. However, Congress did non piece of work on legislation to reauthorize the plan and instead they extended the TANF block grant through September 30, 2011, equally part of the Claims Resolution Act.[64] During this flow Congress in one case once again did not reauthorize the program simply passed a 3-calendar month extension through Dec 31, 2011.[ needs update ]

Exiting The TANF Program [edit]

When transitioning out of the TANF program, individuals find themselves in one of three situations that plant the reasons for exiting:[65]

  1. The kickoff situation involves work related TANF go out, in which individuals no longer qualify for TANF assistance due to caused employment.
  2. The second type of situation is non- work TANF related go out in which the recipient no longer qualifies for assistance due to reaching the maximum time allowed to be enrolled in the assistance programme. Once their time limit has been reached, individuals are removed from receiving assistance.
  3. The third type of situation is continued TANF receipt in which employed recipients earning a wage that does not help cover expenses continue receiving assistance.

It has been observed that certain situations of TANF exit are more prominent depending on the geographic surface area which recipients live in. Focusing the comparing between metropolitan (urban) areas and non-metropolitan (rural) areas, the number of recipients experiencing non piece of work TANF related exit is highest amid rural areas (rural areas in the Southward experience the highest cases of this type of exiting the program).[65]

Data asymmetry or lack of knowledge among recipients on the various TANF work incentive programs is a contributor to recipients experiencing non work related TANF exits. Not beingness aware of the offered programs impacts their use and creates misconceptions that influence the responsiveness of those who qualify for such programs, resulting in longer time periods requiring TANF services.[66] Recipients who exit TANF due to work are too affected by information asymmetry due to lack of awareness on the "transitional support" programs available to facilitate their transitioning into the work field. Programs such every bit childcare, food stamps, and Medicaid are meant increase work incentive but many TANF recipients transitioning into work do not know they are eligible.[67] Information technology has been shown that TANF-exiting working women who use and maintain the transitional incentive services described above are less probable to render to receiving aid and are more likely to feel long term employment.[68]

Criticism [edit]

Peter Edelman, an assistant secretary in the Department of Health and Human Services, resigned from the Clinton assistants in protestation of Clinton signing the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Act, which he called, "The worst affair Beak Clinton has washed."[69] According to Edelman, the 1996 welfare reform police destroyed the condom internet. It increased poverty, lowered income for unmarried mothers, put people from welfare into homeless shelters, and left states gratis to eliminate welfare entirely. It moved mothers and children from welfare to work, simply many of them aren't making enough to survive. Many of them were pushed off welfare rolls considering they didn't show up for an appointment, when they had no transportation to get to the appointment, or weren't informed about the appointment, said Edelman.[70] [71]

Critics later said that TANF was successful during the Clinton Administration when the economy was booming, but failed to support the poor when jobs were no longer available during the downturn, particularly the Financial crunch of 2007–2010, and particularly after the lifetime limits imposed by TANF may have been reached by many recipients.[72]

References [edit]

  1. ^ U.South Department of Health and Human Services. 2012. "TANF FY 2014 Budget." Accessed 12/2/2014 from https://www.acf.hhs.gov/sites/default/files/olab/sec3i_tanf_2014cj.pdf
  2. ^ U.S. Department of Health and Man Services. 2011. "TANF". Accessed 12/9/2011 from "Archived copy". Archived from the original on March 14, 2012. Retrieved March xix, 2011. {{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived re-create as title (link)
  3. ^ Mead, Lawrence Thou. (1986). Across Entitlement: The Social Obligations of Citizenship. New York: Free Press. ISBN978-0-02-920890-8.
  4. ^ a b c d e f yard Blank, Rebecca. 2002. "Evaluating Welfare Reform in the The states." Periodical of Economic Literature, American Economic Association 40(4): 1105–116
  5. ^ Blossom, Dan and Charles Michalopoulos. 2001. How Welfare and Work Policies Affect Employment and Income: A Synthesis of Enquiry. New York: Manpower Demonstration Enquiry Corporation
  6. ^ a b c Danziger, Sheldon (December 1999). "Welfare Reform Policy from Nixon to Clinton: What Office for Social Science?" (PDF). Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy. Retrieved December 11, 2011. Paper prepared for Conference, "The Social Science and Policy Making". Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, March 13–xiv, 1998
  7. ^ a b Plant for Policy Enquiry (2008). "A Expect Dorsum at Welfare Reform" (PDF). 30 (1). Northwestern University. Retrieved October 11, 2011. ;
  8. ^ Duncan, Greg J. and P. Lindsay Chase-Lansdale. 2001. "For Ameliorate and for Worse: Welfare Reform and the Well-being of Children Families." In For Ameliorate and for Worse: Welfare Reform and the Well-being of children and Families. New York: Russell Sage Foundation
  9. ^ a b c Greenberg, Mark et al. 2000. Welfare Reauthorization: An Early Guide to the Issues. Center for Police force and Social Policy
  10. ^ "U.Southward. Senate: Roll Telephone call Vote". senate.gov.
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External links [edit]

  • Welfare Reform and Single Mothers (Yale Economical Review)
  • Congressional Research Service Report on TANF
  • Government Accountability Function Report on TANF
  • The Middle for Law and Social Policy
  • Numbers On Welfare See Sharp Increase past Sara Murray, The Wall Street Journal, June 21, 2009
  • Welfare's prophylactic net hard to measure out among states by Amy Goldstein, "The Washington Postal service", October 2, 2010
  • "Function of Family Assistance (OFA)"

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Temporary_Assistance_for_Needy_Families

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